Wednesday, February 27, 2019

CIA's cozy big-bucks tie to Trump-bashing leftist


No Deep State?

https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-web-services-launches-secret-region-2017-11

Amazon, which is owned by the Trump-bashing Jeff Bezos, gets the tidy sum of $600 million for providing the CIA and the other intelligence agencies with a sector of the Cloud that is secure for secret messages.

As we know, quite a few career intelligence people are too cool for the likes of Trump and have been conspiring undercover to try to force him out. As it happens, that's just what Bezos's other property, The Washington Post, has in mind. The Post's editorial stance assures Bezos his position as a left-wing leader, despite his holding powerful business interests.

In fact, the Post's cozy relationship with the CIA goes way back to the days of Sen. Joe McCarthy, when the paper made a strenuous effort to state the "liberal" case in the midst of exposes of communist influence in Washington. Similarly, the CIA was anxious to balk the anti-communism accusations. The fact that one of the CIA's top people, William Bundy, had supported Alger Hiss was not nearly as bothersome as the fact -- now known -- that the agency had been under the influence of at least one high-level Red mole, now thought to have been James J. Angleton.

A number of years ago I asked Bundy in a letter why he had remained silent on his role in the Hiss affair, noting that I was not suggesting any wrongdoing by Bundy. No response was received to my letter. At that time, during the second Reagan administration, a government agency was intercepting all my mail, impounding a great deal of it. That practice continues.

It's hard not to think that the "liberal" left-wing's crusade against Trump could well be a reaction to Trump's past association with the McCarthy crowd. Though Trump didn't know McCarthy, he was chummy with Roy Cohn, a top McCarthy counsel who had gone on to become a celebrity New York lawyer. Trump's populist rhetoric seems to show that he had learned a lot of politics from old friends of "Tail-gunner Joe" with whom he hung out.

Ironic that the Deep Staters under Obama thought they could unleash "McCarthyism" against Trump. But, considering that one of the organizers of that campaign, ex-CIA chief John Brennan, is a self-confessed former Communist sympathizer, the "Russian collusion" claims are rather unconvincing.
Left to right: Jeff Bezos, James Angleton and William Bundy.

Image result for bezos width=185 Image result for james angleton width=185 Image result for william bundy width=185

Tuesday, February 26, 2019

Trump Jr. vows 'hornet's nest' on muzzles

'If Big Tech can censor me,
think what it can do to you'



This is such an important matter that I am reproducing this Real Clear Politics op-ed by the President's son that appeared Feb. 22. If Real Clear or Mr. Trump is troubled by this potential copyright infringement, I won't object if Blogger blocks it (which would be a tad ironic).
Donald Trump Jr.

By DONALD TRUMP JR.
Anti-conservative censorship online has gone from bad to worse. As major social media platforms start to target me for censorship, I shudder to think what it means for millions of other Americans, especially as we approach the 2020 presidential campaign.

As Jussie Smollett’s preposterous story about being beaten in a racist, homophobic attack was falling apart, I posted about it on Facebook-owned Instagram, pointing out how unbelievable his allegation was in the first place.

After I let my followers know my thoughts on the Smollett hoax, I received a notification that Instagram deleted my post. When I complained about this blatant censorship, Instagram claimed it was a mistake. My post had just been removed “in error,” the company said. Rather than get better, though, the situation just got worse. Conservatives soon let me know by direct message that Instagram was preventing them from following my account, or even sharing or liking any of my posts.

I’m sure Instagram will claim that this, too, was all just a terrible mistake. It’s funny how these “mistakes” never seem to happen to liberals at the critical moment of a news cycle. More to the point, if this is really a “mistake,” then why does it keep happening?

Just as the Smollett hoax is merely the latest of dozens of nonexistent hate crimes blamed on Trump supporters, my experience isn’t nearly the first time that conservatives have been censored by social media platforms.

Instagram also deleted a post from former Republican National Committee spokeswoman Kayleigh McEnany when she tried to highlight Elizabeth Warren’s lies about her ancestry. As soon as censorship of McEnany became a headline, Instagram once again claimed it was all a “mistake.” If not for conservative media, the social media giant may never be held accountable.

Facebook offered the same lame excuse after banning several videos posted by conservative nonprofit PragerU for alleged “hate speech.” It was an “employee error,” the tech giant proclaimedafter PragerU publicly complained about the censorship. Likewise, when Facebook encountered pushback for banning an ad for a Republican U.S. Senate candidate in the middle of last year’s midterm election campaign, it quickly restored the video and offered a weak apology for its “mistake.”

Even worse than the censorship itself is the fact that it takes public outrage just to get Big Tech to treat conservative voices fairly. When social media censorship comes after someone like me, a prominent businessman and the son the president of the United States, it’s a story. The same is not true for the millions of conservative Americans who have no recourse whatsoever when Twitter or Facebook bans their accounts, limits their reach, and otherwise silences their voices because of their political opinions. It is they who are hurt the most by Big Tech’s manipulative partisan agenda.

Worryingly, there seems to be no limit to that manipulation. The tech giants are now tinkering with their terms of service to mandate that users adhere to liberal orthodoxy in their posts. It is now, for example, a banishment offense to “misgender” or “deadname” transgender people on Twitter, as even a radical feminist discovered when she tweeted that “men are not women.”

The stakes in all this could not be higher. The social media revolution upended people’s relationship with the overwhelmingly liberal media. As the Smollett hoax illustrates, the political left and establishment journalists want nothing more than to return to a world in which their narrative is the only one that matters -- and the truth is whatever they decree it to be.

Unfortunately, Silicon Valley is showing us that tech companies, too, can manipulate information for partisan ends. Their censorship is increasing at an alarming rate, just in time for them to try to spoil my father’s re-election bid, but we won’t let them get away with it.

Those of us with a big enough public profile to hold the tech giants accountable for their partisan speech-policing have a duty to do so. Ordinary conservatives can’t force multibillion-dollar companies to guarantee their right to free speech, which is exactly what the liberals are counting on.

They’ve gone too far, though. They’ve poked the hornet’s nest of conservative activists, and we will continue to vigilantly shame them for their censorship, because so much is at stake.
Donald Trump Jr. is the Executive Vice President at The Trump Organization.


PayPal chief admits blacklisting conservatives

https://www.breitbart.com/tech/2019/02/25/paypal-ceo-admits-partnership-with-far-left-splc-to-blacklist-conservatives/

PayPal has blocked WikiLeaks and Bitchute, which gives conservatives a platform denied by YouTube. Do you sense a conspiracy here?

Sunday, February 24, 2019

'Treaty' protects special prober from press


Starr sees press colluding to favor Mueller

Cut and past URL to bypass block:

https://www.foxnews.com

"There's got to be a treaty of peace between the networks, the platforms that says, 'We're going to leave [Mueller] alone'," Starr told Mark Levin of Fox News.

Starr warned Mueller against besmirching people in his report or via press release, adding that it is a matter of "fundamental fairness" that a special counsel not display prosecutorial zeal in any public statements because the other side hasn't had a chance to present an alternate set of facts.

The former special counsel rebutted Rep. Adam Shiff on Shiff's threat to seek a court order to obtain the Mueller report. Starr explained that when he was special counsel, he operated under a different statute, one that required the report to be turned over to Congress. Mueller's authority, Starr said, comes under a different statute, with Justice Department regulations -- which have been in place for 20 years -- governing the way reports are handled.

Levin pointed out that Democrats' assumptions that they will see the report are not grounded on law or regulation, and Starr agreed.

Saturday, February 23, 2019

A Socratic dialog on abortion

I published this dialog in September 2015 on another blog from which I have been locked out.
I am preserving it, with some additional discussion inserted, here.
You are free to reproduce this dialog.
"S" is Socrates and "T" is some Tom, Dick or Harriet.


S: Is there a fundamental right to abortion?

T:  Of course.

S:  So any woman has a right to terminate her pregnancy for any reason?

T:  Undoubtedly.

S:  Well, suppose the preborn being -- or perhaps we might say potential human -- experiences pain during the termination process?

T:  As the, er, being is not viable, how can it experience pain?

S:  If there are physiological studies that show that the being's reactions are consistent with a viable infant's feeling of pain, would that be relevant?

T:  Well, then you are only talking about what might be.

S:  So if there is a possibility that the being in the womb experiences pain during abortion, that possibility is of no relevance to society?

T:  Not to society, but that consideration might affect a woman's personal decision.

S:  None of society's business?

T:  No.

S:  So if a woman decides to terminate a pregnancy for trivial or shallow reasons, that is her affair.

T:  Yes.

S:  In many cases, the decision for abortion is economically based, as when the family of a young woman presses her to abort so that she can go on to an economically prosperous life, or when a woman aborts the being in her womb because she has enough children and doesn't want one more mouth to feed. Is that correct?

T:  Economic issues are plainly a driving force behind abortion.

S:  Also, many women resent the idea that a male-dominated society may control a woman's right to reproduce. So-called reproductive rights.

T:  Yes, very true.

S:  What is it that she doesn't want reproduced?

T:  Another human, but that's only after birth. Before birth, the quality of humanity doesn't exist.

S:  So you say. Others would say, before the first trimester. And there are yet other ideas. So there is little agreement about when the being in the womb becomes a bona fide human being.  Anyway, wouldn't you agree that "reproduce" means reproduce oneself?

T:  Well, the child is not a clone. The father's genes contribute.

S:  So she is reproducing herself and her sex partner.

T:  I suppose.

S:  And that reproduction is in progress in the womb. So is she not destroying a reproduction of herself?

T:  You are just playing word games.

S:  And the male sex partner? Should he have no legal say in the preservation of a reproduction of himself?

T:  Of course not. The reproduction hasn't occurred yet at the time of abortion.

S:  Oh. But I thought that at conception, the genes begin the reproduction process. So doesn't the preborn being represent a partial reproduction of the male?

T:  I suppose so. But you know very well that to give the male any legal say would upset the world since the day Roe vs. Wade was decided. Besides, the man doesn't have to suffer the trials of pregnancy and giving birth.

S:  Yet, a part of the man, a potential daughter or son, has been destroyed. I suppose to a materialist like yourself that doesn't matter much?

T:  Well, these things are all relative. There are no absolutes.

S:  No absolutes? Except for the absolute right to abortion, of course.

T:  We are clever, aren't we?

S:  But it is a fact, is it not, that scientific materialism is your default philosophy?

T:  Well, I am no philosopher, but I would agree that science is better than superstition.

S:  And you have heard of the atheist philosopher Bertrand Russell?

T:  Who hasn't?

S:  But no doubt you are unaware that Russell and a number of other philosophers have attacked scientific materialism as deeply flawed?

T:  Really? I had no idea. What do they propose in its place?

S:  Would you be perturbed if I told you that there is no consensus, that no one seems to know what to make of the Cosmos, or Being?

T:  Yes, all very well. But as I say, I am no philosopher.

S:  You concede you don't know why there is a fundamental right to abortion?

T:  Well, Rights of Man -- I mean Human Rights -- and all that sort of thing.

S:  I see... Well, you do agree that a woman has a right to terminate a pregnancy for economic reasons.

T: Correct.

S:  So then, a woman -- perhaps in consultation with her partner -- has a right to terminate a pregnancy based on the sex, or gender, of the being in the womb.

T:  I don't quite follow.

S:  She has a right to terminate a pregnancy based on sex preference.

T:  It's a trivial reason, but I suppose it is none of society's business.

S:  Now suppose a large number of women preferentially abort females? Would that be acceptable?

T:  It doesn't sound right, but fortunately that isn't the case.

S:  What do you think feminists would think of such a practice?

T:  They would probably try to outlaw it.

S:  So then society does have an interest in maintaining the life of a being in the womb?

T:  Your scenario is not the case.

S:  You are wrong; it is a fact. In India, couples routinely terminate females in the womb for socioeconomic reasons. Further, there is a shortage of brides there, which is the consequence of this practice. India's laws against revealing the sex of the being in the womb have proved ineffective.

T:  Well, point. But this isn't India.

S:  The original question was, Is there a fundamental right to abortion?

T:  Ah, I see what you mean. If we must go by cases, there isn't a fundamental, all-encompassing right.

S:  So society is permitted to take an interest in the welfare of the being in the womb?

T:  I would say you have made a good case. But, unfortunately for you, most people think in memes, and won't follow philosophical arguments.

S:  Agreed.

S:  What is your take on abortion at any time before birth on the say-so of the woman? We are seeing a push by feminists in State Houses for this sort of "right."

T:  Well, I suppose many a woman believes that she and only she should make decisions about what's done with her body. Such women are very adamant about these reproductive rights.

S:  Or, the right not to reproduce, they mean. This is justified by denying the womb-being the right of personhood. The womb-being is not a baby, not a person under law. But, of course, if the woman wants the womb-being, then it's her little darling, her baby, her new little person, and most people agree with her view of her womb-being. But the state, in particular in the hands of radical feminists, regards the womb-being as a space alien, lower than a 19th century African-American slave, with no inherent rights or dignity.

T:  Yes. It's unfortunate, but perhaps necessary...

S:  Do you see any danger in this stance?

T:  Not particularly.

S:  Would you not say that personhood has been reduced to an opinion of the pregnant woman?

T:  Come again?

S:  If she doesn't want the womb being but then has a change of heart, it magically becomes a person to be nurtured and cherished. Or, similarly, if she wants it but then decides to abort, the womb being goes from person to piece of drek with no rights.

T:   Unpleasant, but not dangerous.

S:  But consider a hard case such as this: A female inpatient of a mental institution is impregnated. A committee of medical professionals meets to decide whether to anesthetize the patient and forcibly abort her womb-being, on grounds the institution isn't a suitable place for a child and on the worry that mental illness might be heritable in this case. Remember, the womb being is not a person under law, and so this committee would not be held accountable for infanticide.

T:   You have a point.

S:  Sarah Palin's death panels no longer seem so far-fetched.

The night before the procedure, I asked the baby to forgive me

https://www.sarahmae.com/abortion

Friday, February 22, 2019

Abortion radicals make personhood
merely a matter of a woman's opinion

Supporters say the Vermont House is not authorizing murder with a bill that would permit women to abort their fetuses right up to the verge of birth. Why not? Well, it's not murder because the House has ruled that a fetus is at no point ever a person.

The lawmakers must be infinitely wise in order to have attained such deep knowledge.

What then?! Do they regard the pre-birth being as some sort of inhuman alien until the point in time a woman makes up her mind whether she wants to love and nurture the being or toss it dead and mutilated in the trash?

In her mind, perhaps, she had regarded the little darling in her womb as a baby -- a person, that is. But then she had a change of heart and the baby was magically transformed into a non-person! Wow, such amazing power!

In other words, according to these legislators, humanness and personhood aren't real, but are subjective states of mind of the pregnant woman.

The trouble with that line of reasoning is that the womb-being has no rights until after birth. This gives future "do-gooder" governments an edge when they, for some reason, seek to force a woman to have an abortion. To take a hard example, consider a woman inmate who has been impregnated in a mental institution. A committee of professionals might confer in order to determine whether the patient should be anesthetized and forced to undergo an abortion procedure that ends the life of the womb-being.

Sarah Palin's warning about government "death panels" no longer seems so far-fetched.

Vermont House backs verge-of-birth abortion

https://www.infowars.com/vt-house-passes-bill-legalizing-elective-abortions-until-birth/

The night before the procedure, I asked the baby to forgive me

https://www.sarahmae.com/abortion
02.25.19

Illinois bill boosts abortion radicalism

A law proposed in Illinois says that women "who become pregnant [have] a fundamental right...to have an abortion," and "provides that a fertilized egg, embryo, or fetus does not have independent rights under the law of this state."

The measure is "an extreme bill that would basically enshrine abortion as a positive good in Illinois law,” Peter Breen, vice president and senior counsel for Thomas Moore, said in a statement, adding that the Democratic legislation would change the "Land of Lincoln" into the "Abortion Capital of America."

Even self-induced abortions would be permissible -- showing that the purpose of the law is not to protect the health and safety of the woman.
02.26.19

Dems: A baby is not a person and is disposable

Any curb on abortion now viewed as attack on women
[Cut and paste URL to bypass Fox hyperlink denial.]
https://www.foxnews.com/politics/senate-to-vote-on-born-alive-bill-to-protect-infants-who-survive-a-failed-abortion

Thursday, February 21, 2019

Waiting for some Sarahgrams

Sarah's YouTube channel doesn't seem to have caught on. Its last entry was four years ago, with 500 subscribers. Recent revelations about Big Tech "shadow banning" (or the equivalent) make one wonder whether she was muzzled by hidden technocrats. But, of course, another possibility is that her approach didn't have enough zing to compete in the era of clickbait nonsense.

Anyway, here's an idea for Governor Palin. Why not do a five to 15 minute video commentary about once a week and post it on Facebook, with a link on Twitter? Now I have fled Facebook and wouldn't dream of trying to get past Twitter's shadow banners, and so I don't know what she's already doing in that respect. So, if this post is passe, begpardon.

Why do this? Because it helps build presence, and it is likely some of those videos will go viral and that others will stir media comment (much of it unfriendly, but that is to be expected).

She can then repost her Sarahgrams1 on YouTube, though she should expect that YouTube's liberal techies won't giver her a fair shake. Even so, post the videos anyway. Sure, silent suppression of actual viewing numbers will "demonetize" the account and rip her off. But, the videos will have still been seen, thus creating a positive impact on her behalf. (Admittedly, Big Tech's extreme shadow bans block everyone but the user from seeing the entry, without telling the user -- a practice that Congress should make illegal.)
1. It's fine if she uses that moniker, as far as I am concerned.

Friday, February 15, 2019

Horrors! It's a conservative web site!


The Wed of Trust, which is a useful app for screening out sites containing malware, has taken on a political tack, and is now warning users to avoid conservative web sites, based on the notion that they are unreliable and contain misinformation. Evidently, liberals and leftists are tracking these pages and giving them poor ratings. In fact, it's possible that bots are being used to comb the web for conservative sites, such as all Conservapedia pages, and to automatically give these pages poor grades.

If you happen upon such a page, you get the WoT "red danger" warning, with a strong suggestion that you avoid the page -- not because of malware or cyber scammers, but in order to flee from unapproved political content.

WoT has joined Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Snapchat, Google and other elements of Big Tech in the push to control information available to the general public, with the aim of purging the internet of content that, in the minds of certain liberals and leftists, could notionally help Trump, or that is vaguely associated with Trump's politics. This anti-conservative drive, by the way, has been hyped by such defenders of free speech as The New York Times. On more than one occasion the Times has run stories questioning why a tech outfit has not yet censored some "conspiracy theorist" or other.
Feb. 19, 2019: I checked Google for Conservapedia and saw that every Conservapedia page in sight had a WoT red danger warning. I should say that it is the Web of Trust that itself needs a warning label: Danger! Politically biased mechanism!

Saturday, February 9, 2019

Call to crowdsource for Jones defense on Sandy Hook


Alex Jones of InfoWars has suffered a series of court setbacks in his wrangle with alleged parents of Sandy Hook victims who claim "defamation" has brought emotional pain and suffering to them, and that they have been harassed by skeptical Americans.

It's possible that some people really did lose children at Sandy Hook. And in that case they should be highly upset by the myriad of anomalies found by people who have looked into the matter. They should be demanding answers from government officials, rather than trying to muzzle Alex Jones. But, as far as I know, these folks have made no effort to expose details of what really happened, the way one would expect anguished parents to do.

What we have here is a battle over freedom of speech and press. If the "parent group" can get a huge libel judgment against Jones, his sites will no longer be able to operate. But it is not only about freedom of press, but about whether the government and its co-conspirators have an automatic right to credibility. It's impossible that the parents are intelligence operatives and so a jury must peremptorily rule out the possibility that the truth is a valid defense.

But I propose that we fight them on this issue. I ask that you crowdsource in every way you can to gather evidence that supports the hoax suspicion and that you make this evidence available to Jones' defense team, who may be able to present some of it to a jury. I'm no computer whiz, but many of you are. So get on the stick!


Dr. James F. Tracy talks to InfoWars about Sandy Hook
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zKzanNShsc

The interview occurred before the University of Florida fired Tracy in the midst of a media firestorm denouncing him.


From the MemoryHole website of Dr. James F. Tracy:

THE SANDY HOOK MASSACRE:
UNANSWERED QUESTIONS AND MISSING INFORMATION



Dec. 24, 2012

Often quoted yet seldom read, this article was written ten days after the December 14 Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre.-JT, 4-12-13.

“[My staff] and I hope the people of Newtown don’t have it crash on their head later.” –Connecticut Medical Examiner D. Wayne Carver II, MD, December 15, 2012

Inconsistencies and anomalies abound when one turns an analytical eye to news of the Newtown school massacre. The public’s general acceptance of the event’s validity and faith in its resolution suggest a deepened credulousness borne from a world where almost all news and information is electronically mediated and controlled. The condition is reinforced through the corporate media’s unwillingness to push hard questions vis-à-vis Connecticut and federal authorities who together bottlenecked information while invoking prior restraint through threats of prosecutorial action against journalists and the broader citizenry seeking to interpret the event on social media.

Along these lines on December 19 the Connecticut State Police assigned individual personnel to each of the 26 families who lost a loved one at Sandy Hook Elementary. “The families have requested no press interviews,” State Police assert on their behalf, “and we are asking that this request be honored.[1] The de facto gag order will be in effect until the investigation concludes—now forecast to be “several months away” even though lone gunman Adam Lanza has been confirmed as the sole culprit.[2]

With the exception of an unusual and apparently contrived appearance by Emilie Parker’s alleged father, victims’ family members have been almost wholly absent from public scrutiny.[3] What can be gleaned from this and similar coverage raises many more questions and glaring inconsistencies than answers. While it sounds like an outrageous claim, one is left to inquire whether the Sandy Hook shooting ever took place—at least in the way law enforcement authorities and the nation’s news media have described.

The Accidental Medical Examiner
An especially important yet greatly underreported feature of the Sandy Hook affair is the wholly bizarre performance of Connecticut’s top medical examiner H. Wayne Carver II at a December 15 press conference. Carver’s unusual remarks and behavior warrant close consideration because in light of his professional notoriety they appear remarkably amateurish and out of character.

H. Wayne Carver II has an extremely self-assured, almost swaggering presence in Connecticut state administration. In early 2012 Carver threatened to vacate his position because of state budget cuts and streamlining measures that threatened his professional autonomy over the projects and personnel he oversaw.

Along these lines the pathologist has gone to excessive lengths to demonstrate his findings and expert opinion in court proceedings. For example, in a famous criminal case Carver “put a euthanized pig through a wood chipper so jurors could match striations on the bone fragments with the few ounces of evidence that prosecutors said were on the remains of the victim.”[4] One would therefore expect Carver to be in his element while identifying and verifying the exact ways in which Sandy Hook’s children and teachers met their violent demise.

Yet the H. Wayne Carver who showed up to the December 15 press conference is an almost entirely different man, appearing apprehensive and uncertain, as if he is at a significant remove from the postmortem operation he had overseen. The multiple gaffes, discrepancies, and hedges in response to reporters’ astute questions suggest that he is either under coercion or an imposter. While the latter sounds untenable it would go a long way in explaining his sub-pedestrian grasp of medical procedures and terminology.

With this in mind extended excerpts from this exchange are worthy of recounting here in print. Carver is accompanied by Connecticut State Police Lieutenant H. Paul Vance and additional Connecticut State Police personnel. The reporters are off-screen and thus unidentified so I have assigned them simple numerical identification based on what can be discerned of their voices.

Reporter #1: So the rifle was the primary weapon?

H. Wayne Carver: Yes.

Reporter #1: [Inaudible]

Carver: Uh (pause). Question was what caliber were these bullets. And I know—I probably know more about firearms than most pathologists but if I say it in court they yell at me and don’t make me answer [sic]—so [nervous laughter]. I’ll let the police do that for you.

Reporter #2: Doctor can you tell us about the nature of the wounds. Were they at very close range? Were the children shot at from across the room?

Carver: Uhm, I only did seven of the autopsies. The victims I had ranged from three to eleven wounds apiece and I only saw two of them with close range shooting. Uh, but that’s, uh y’know, a sample. Uh, I really don’t have detailed information on the rest of the injuries.

[Given that Carver is Connecticut’s top coroner and in charge of the entire postmortem this is a startling admission.-JT]

Reporter #3: But you said that the long rifle was used?

Carver: Yes.

Reporter #3: But the long rifle was discovered in the car.

State Police Lieutenant Vance: That’s not correct, sir.

Unidentified reporter #4: How many bullets or bullet fragments did you find in the autopsy. Can you tell us that?

Carver: Oh. I’m lucky I can tell you how many I found. I don’t know. There were lots of them, OK? This type of weapon is not, uh … the bullets are designed in such a fashion that the energy—this is very clinical. I shouldn’t be saying this. But the energy is deposited in the tissue so the bullet stays in [the tissue].

[In fact, the Bushmaster .223 Connecticut police finally claimed was used in the shooting is designed for long range field use and utilizes high velocity bullets averaging 3,000 feet-per-second, the energy of which even at considerable distance would penetrate several bodies before finally coming to rest in tissue.]

Reporter #5: How close were the injuries?

Carver: Uh, all the ones (pause). I believe say, yes [sic].

Reporter #6: In what shape were the bodies when the families were brought to check [inaudible].

Carver: Uh, we did not bring the bodies and the families into contact. We took pictures of them, uhm, of their facial features. We have, uh, uh—it’s easier on the families when you do that. Un, there is, uh, a time and place for the up close and personal in the grieving process, but to accomplish this we thought it would be best to do it this way and, uh, you can sort of, uh … You can control a situation depending on the photographer, and I have very good photographers. Uh, but uh—

Reporter #7: Do you know the difference of the time of death between the mother in the house and the bodies recovered [in the school].

Carver: Uh, no, I don’t. Sorry [shakes head excitedly] I don’t! [embarrassed laugh]

Reporter #8: Did the gunman kill himself with the rifle?

Carver: No. I—I don’t know yet. I’ll-I’ll examine him tomorrow morning. But, but I don’t think so.

[Why has Carver left arguably the most important specimen for last? And why doesn’t he think Lanza didn’t commit suicide with the rifle?]

Reporter #9: In terms of the children, were they all found in one classroom or—

Carver: Uhm … [inaudible] [Turns to Lieutenant Vance] Paul and company will deal with that.

Reporter #9: What?

Carver: Paul and company will deal with that. Lieutenant Vance is going to handle that one.

Reporter #10: Was there any evidence of a struggle? Any bruises?

Carver: No.

Reporter #11: The nature of the shooting; is there any sense that there was a lot of care taken with precision [inaudible] or randomly?

Carver: [Exhales while glancing upward, as if frustrated] Both. It’s a very difficult question to answer … You’d think after thousands of people I’ve seen shot but I … It’s … If I attempted to answer it in court there’d be an objection and then they’d win—[nervous laughter].

[Who would win? Why does an expert whose routine job as a public employee is to provide impartial medical opinion concerned with winning and losing in court? Further, Carver is not in court but rather at a press conference.]

Reporter #12: Doctor, can you discuss the fatal injuries to the adults?

Carver: Ah, they were similar to those of the children.

Reporter #13: Doctor, the children you had autopsied, where in the bodies were they hit?

Carver: Uhm [pause]. All over. All over.

Reporter #14: Were [the students] sitting at their desks or were they running away when this happened?

Carver: I’ll let the guys who—the scene guys talk—address that issue. I, uh, obviously I was at the scene. Obviously I’m very experienced in that. But there are people who are, uh, the number one professionals in that. I’ll let them—let that [voice trails off].

Reporter [#15]: How many boys and how many girls [were killed]?

Carver: [Slowly shaking his head] I don’t know.

More Unanswered Questions and Inconsistencies
In addition to Carver’s remarks several additional chronological and evidentiary contradictions in the official version of the Sandy Hook shooting are cause for serious consideration and leave doubt in terms of how the event transpired vis-à-vis the way authorities and major media outlets have presented it. It is now well known that early on journalists reported that Adam Lanza’s brother Ryan Lanza was reported to be the gunman, and that pistols were used in the shooting rather than a rifle. Yet these are merely the tip of the iceberg.

When Did the Gunman Arrive?
After Adam Lanza fatally shot and killed his mother at his residence, he drove himself to the elementary school campus, arriving one half hour after classes had commenced. Dressed in black, Lanza proceeds completely unnoticed through an oddly vacant parking lot with a military style rifle and shoots his way through double glass doors and a brand new yet apparently poorly engineered security system.

Further, initial press accounts suggest how no school personnel or students heard gunshots and no 911 calls are made until after Lanza begins firing inside the facility. “It was a lovely day,” Sandy Hook fourth grade teacher Theodore Varga said. And then, suddenly and unfathomably, gunshots rang out. “I can’t even remember how many,” Varga said.[5]

The recollection contrasts sharply with an updated version of Lanza’s arrival where at 9:30AM he walked up to the front entrance and fired at least a half dozen rounds into the glass doors. The thunderous sound of Lanza blowing an opening big enough to walk through the locked school door caused Principal Dawn Hochsprung and school psychologist Mary Scherlach to bolt from a nearby meeting room to investigate. He shot and killed them both as they ran toward him.

Breaching the school’s security system in such a way would have likely triggered some automatic alert of school personnel. Further, why would the school’s administrators run toward an armed man who has just noisily blasted his way into the building?

Two other staff members attending the meeting with Hochsprung and Scherlach sustained injuries “in the hail of bullets” but returned to the aforementioned meeting room and managed a call to 911.[6] This contrasted with earlier reports where the first 911 call claimed students “were trapped in a classroom with the adult shooter who had two guns.”[7] Recordings of the first police dispatch following the 911 call at 9:35:50 indicate that someone “thinks there’s someone shooting in the building.”[8] There is a clear distinction between potentially hearing shots somewhere in the building and being almost mortally caught in a “hail of bullets.”

How did the gunman fire so many shots in such little time?
According to Dr. Carver and State Police, Lanza shot each victim between 3 and 11 times during a 5 to 7 minute span. If one is to average this out to 7 bullets per individual—excluding misses—Lanza shot 182 times, or once every two seconds. Yet according to the official story Lanza was the sole assassin and armed with only one weapon. Thus if misses and changing the gun’s 30-shot magazine at least 6 times are added to the equation Lanza must have been averaging about one shot per second—extremely skilled use of a single firearm for a young man with absolutely no military training and who was on the verge of being institutionalized. Still, an accurate rendering of the event is even more difficult to arrive at because the chief medical examiner admittedly has no idea exactly how the children were shot or whether a struggle ensued.

Where is the Photo and Video Evidence?
Photographic and video evidence is at once profuse yet lacking in terms of its capacity to demonstrate that a mass shooting took place on the scale described by authorities. For example, in an era of ubiquitous video surveillance of public buildings especially no visual evidence of Lanza’s violent entry has emerged. And while studio snapshots of the Sandy Hook victims abound there is little if any eyewitness testimony of anyone who’s observed the corpses except for Carver and his staff, and they appear almost as confused about the conditions of the deceased as any layperson watching televised coverage of the event. Nor are there any routine eyewitness, photo or video evidence of the crime scene’s aftermath—broken glass, blasted security locks and doors, bullet casings and holes, bloodied walls and floors—all of which are common in such investigations and reportage.

Why Were Medical Personnel Turned Away From the Crime Scene?
Oddly enough medical personnel are forced to set up their operation not at the school where the dead and injured lay, but rather at the fire station several hundred feet away. This flies in the face of standard medical operating procedure where personnel are situated as close to the scene as possible. There is no doubt that the school had ample room to accommodate such personnel. Yet medical responders who rushed to Sandy Hook Elementary upon receiving word of the tragedy were denied entry to the school and forced to set up primary and secondary triages off school grounds and wait for the injured to be brought to them.

Shortly after the shooting “as other ambulances from neighboring communities rolled up, sirens blaring, the first responders slowly realized that their training would be tragically underutilized on this horrible day. ‘You may not be able to save everybody, but you damn well try,’” 44 year old emergency medical technician James Wolff told NBC News. “’And when (we) didn’t have the opportunity to put our skills into action, it’s difficult.’”[9]

In light of this, who were the qualified medical practitioners that pronounced the 20 children and 7 adults dead? Who decided that none could be revived? Carver and his staff are apparently the only medical personnel to have attended to the victims—yet this was in the postmortem conducted several hours later. Such slipshod handling of the crime scene leaves the State of Connecticut open to a potential array of hefty civil claims by families of the slain.

Did a mass evacuation of the school take place?
Sandy Hook Elementary is attended by 600 students. Yet there is no photographic or video evidence of an evacuation on this scale. Instead, limited video and photographic imagery suggest that a limited evacuation of perhaps at most several dozen students occurred.

A highly circulated photo depicts students walking in a single file formation with their hands on each others’ shoulders and eyes shut. Yet this was the image of a drill that took place prior to the event itself.[10. See Correction] Most other photos are portraits of individual children. Despite aerial video footage of the event documenting law enforcement scouring the scene and apprehending one or more suspects in the wooded area nearby the school,[11] there is no such evidence that a mass exodus of children from the school transpired once law enforcement pronounced Sandy Hook secure. Nor are there videos or photos of several hundred students and their parents at the oft-referenced fire station nearby where students were routed for parent pick up.

Sound Bite Prism and the Will to Believe
Outside of a handful of citizen journalists and alternative media commentators Sandy Hook’s dramatically shifting factual and circumstantial terrain has escaped serious critique because it is presented through major media’s carefully constructed prism of select sound bites alongside a widespread and longstanding cultural impulse to accept the pronouncements of experts, be they bemused physicians, high ranking law enforcement officers, or political leaders demonstrating emotionally-grounded concern.

Political scientist W. Lance Bennett calls this the news media’s “authority-disorder bias.” “Whether the world is returned to a safe, normal place,” Bennett writes, “or whether the very idea of a normal world is called into question, the news is preoccupied with order, along with related questions of whether authorities are capable of establishing or restoring it.”[12]

Despite Carver’s bizarre performance and law enforcement authorities’ inability to settle on and relay simple facts, media management’s impulse to assure audiences and readerships of the Newtown community’s inevitable adjustment to its trauma and loss with the aid of the government’s protective oversight—however incompetent that may be—far surpasses a willingness to undermine this now almost universal news media narrative with messy questions and suggestions of intrigue. This well-worn script is one the public has been conditioned to accept. If few people relied on such media to develop their world view this would hardly be a concern. Yet this is regrettably not the case.

The Sandy Hook tragedy was on a far larger scale than the past year’s numerous slaughters, including the Wisconsin Sikh temple shooting and the Batman theater shooting in Colorado. It also included glaringly illogical exercises and pronouncements by authorities alongside remarkably unusual evidentiary fissures indistinguishable by an American political imagination cultivated to believe that the corporate, government and military’s sophisticated system of organized crime is largely confined to Hollywood-style storylines while really existing malfeasance and crises are without exception returned to normalcy.

If recent history is a prelude the likelihood of citizens collectively assessing and questioning Sandy Hook is limited even given the event’s overtly superficial trappings. While the incident is ostensibly being handled by Connecticut law enforcement, early reports indicate how federal authorities were on the scene as the 911 call was received. Regardless of where one stands on the Second Amendment and gun control, it is not unreasonable to suggest the Obama administration’s complicity or direct oversight of an incident that has in very short order sparked a national debate on the very topic—and not coincidentally remains a key piece of Obama’s political platform.

The move to railroad this program through with the aid of major media and an irrefutable barrage of children’s portraits, “heartfelt” platitudes and ostensible tears neutralizes a quest for genuine evidence, reasoned observation and in the case of Newtown honest and responsible law enforcement. Moreover, to suggest that Obama is not capable of deploying such techniques to achieve political ends is to similarly place ones faith in image and interpretation above substance and established fact, the exact inclination that in sum has brought America to such an impasse.

Notes
[1] State of Connecticut Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection, ”State Police Investigate Newtown School Shooting” [Press Release] December 15, 2012.
[2] State of Connecticut Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection, “Update: Newtown School Shooting” [Press Release], December 19, 2012.
[3] CNN, “Family of 6 Year Old Victim,” December 14, 2012, “Sandy Hook School Shooting Hoax Fraud,” Youtube, December 17, 2012.
[4] Hartford Courant, “Finally ‘Enough’ For Chief Medical Examiner” [Editorial], January 30, 2012.
[5] John Christofferson and Jocelyn Noveck, “Sandy Hook School Shooting: Adam Lanza Kills 26 and Himself at Connecticut School,” Huffington Post, December 15, 2012.
[6] Edmund H. Mahoney, Dave Altmari, and Jon Lender, “Sandy Hook Shooter’s Pause May Have Aided Escape,” Hartford Courant, December 23, 2012.
[7] Jaweed Kaleem, “Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting: Newtown Connecticut Students, Administrators Among Victims, Reports Say,” Huffington Post, December 14, 2012.
[8] RadioMan911TV, “Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting Newtown Police / Fire and CT State Police,” Youtube, December 14, 2012. At several points in this recording audio is scrambled, particularly following apprehension of a second shooting suspect outside the school, suggesting a purposeful attempt to withhold vital information.
[9] Miranda Leitsinger, “You Feel Helpless: First Responders Rushed to School After Shooting, Only to Wait,” US News on NBC, December 20.
[10] http://thenetng.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/Sandy-Hook-Elementary-School-600×400.jpg. 12/25/12 Update/Correction: Note that this photo of approximately fifteen children allegedly being evacuated from Sandy Hook Elementary wasreportedly produced on December 14. See Connor Simpson, Alexander Abad-Santos et al, “Newtown School Shooting: Live Updates,” The Atlantic Wire, December 19, 2012. Still, the paltry number of children confirms the claim that little photographic evidence exists of Sandy Hook’s 600 students being moved from the facility on December 14. This photo was from a Tweet of a Sandy Hook drill published by the school’s slain principal Dawn Hochsprung titled, “Safety First.” See Julia La Rouche, “Principal Killed in Sandy Hook Tweeted Picture of Students Practicing an Evacuation Drill,” Business Insider, December 16, 2012.
[11] Rob Dew, “Evidence of 2nd and 3rd Shooter at Sandy Hook,” Infowars Nightly News, December 18, 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8nCFHImNeRw. A more detailed yet less polished analysis was developed by citizen journalist Idahopicker, “Sandy Hook Elem: 3 Shooters,” December 16, 2012. See also James F. Tracy, “Analyzing the Newtown Narrative: Sandy Hook’s Disappearing Shooter Suspects,” Memoryholeblog.com, December 20, 2012.
[12] W. Lance Bennett, News: The Politics of Illusion 9th Edition, Boston: Longman, 2012, 47.
Andrew Whooley provided suggestions and research for this article.
Republished at GlobalResarch.ca on December 25, 2012.

When the Times and Post confessed to news fakery


The NY Times and The Washington Post are indignant that anyone would question their record for objectivity. How could any of us believe that they would play up overheated propaganda while playing down the shoddiness of evidence provided by government sources?

Herewith are two mea culpa pieces in which the Times and Post admit to having done a bad job in checking administration claims in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq.

True, it is now 2019, not 2004. But, the point is that these exemplars of establishment reputability have in recent history had to confess to conspiring with authorities in the dissemination of fake news.

It might be helpful if the current editors of these two newspapers were to read these pieces. Although "Russia collusion" is not "Iraq WMDs," many of the problematic hyperactive reporting and writing techniques from both time periods bear a lot in common.

[To reach the Time piece immediately, use "Control f" (or the equivalent) and type in shone.]

Here is something from the Post:

The Post on WMDs: An Inside Story

Prewar Articles Questioning Threat Often Didn't Make Front Page

by Howard Kurtz
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 12, 2004; Page A01

Days before the Iraq war began, veteran Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus put together a story questioning whether the Bush administration had proof that Saddam Hussein was hiding weapons of mass destruction.

But he ran into resistance from the paper's editors, and his piece ran only after assistant managing editor Bob Woodward, who was researching a book about the drive toward war, "helped sell the story," Pincus recalled. "Without him, it would have had a tough time getting into the paper." Even so, the article was relegated to Page A17.

"We did our job but we didn't do enough, and I blame myself mightily for not pushing harder," Woodward said in an interview. "We should have warned readers we had information that the basis for this was shakier" than widely believed. "Those are exactly the kind of statements that should be published on the front page."

As violence continues in postwar Iraq and U.S. forces have yet to discover any WMDs, some critics say the media, including The Washington Post, failed the country by not reporting more skeptically on President Bush's contentions during the run-up to war.

An examination of the paper's coverage, and interviews with more than a dozen of the editors and reporters involved, shows that The Post published a number of pieces challenging the White House, but rarely on the front page. Some reporters who were lobbying for greater prominence for stories that questioned the administration's evidence complained to senior editors who, in the view of those reporters, were unenthusiastic about such pieces. The result was coverage that, despite flashes of groundbreaking reporting, in hindsight looks strikingly one-sided at times.

"The paper was not front-paging stuff," said Pentagon correspondent Thomas Ricks. "Administration assertions were on the front page. Things that challenged the administration were on A18 on Sunday or A24 on Monday. There was an attitude among editors: Look, we're going to war, why do we even worry about all this contrary stuff?"

In retrospect, said Executive Editor Leonard Downie Jr., "we were so focused on trying to figure out what the administration was doing that we were not giving the same play to people who said it wouldn't be a good idea to go to war and were questioning the administration's rationale. Not enough of those stories were put on the front page. That was a mistake on my part."

Across the country, "the voices raising questions about the war were lonely ones," Downie said. [Newsman Paul Conant was among those pointing to the spottiness of the evidence provided to the public.] "We didn't pay enough attention to the minority."

When national security reporter Dana Priest was addressing a group of intelligence officers recently, she said, she was peppered with questions: "Why didn't The Post do a more aggressive job? Why didn't The Post ask more questions? Why didn't The Post dig harder?"

Several news organizations have cast a withering eye on their earlier work. The New York Times said in a May editor's note about stories that claimed progress in the hunt for WMDs that editors "were perhaps too intent on rushing scoops into the paper." Separately, the Times editorial page and the New Republic magazine expressed regret for some prewar arguments.

Michael Massing, a New York Review of Books contributor and author of the forthcoming book "Now They Tell Us," on the press and Iraq, said: "In covering the run-up to the war, The Post did better than most other news organizations, featuring a number of solid articles about the Bush administration's policies. But on the key issue of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, the paper was generally napping along with everyone else. It gave readers little hint of the doubts that a number of intelligence analysts had about the administration's claims regarding Iraq's arsenal."

The front page is a newspaper's billboard, its way of making a statement about what is important, and stories trumpeted there are often picked up by other news outlets. Editors begin pitching stories at a 2 p.m. news meeting with Downie and Managing Editor Steve Coll and, along with some reporters, lobby throughout the day. But there is limited space on Page 1 -- usually six or seven stories -- and Downie said he likes to feature a broad range of subjects, including education, health, science, sports and business.

Woodward, for his part, said it was risky for journalists to write anything that might look silly if weapons were ultimately found in Iraq. Alluding to the finding of the Sept. 11 commission of a "groupthink" among intelligence officials, Woodward said of the weapons coverage: "I think I was part of the groupthink."

Given The Post's reputation for helping topple the Nixon administration, some of those involved in the prewar coverage felt compelled to say the paper's shortcomings did not reflect any reticence about taking on the Bush White House. Priest noted, however, that skeptical stories usually triggered hate mail "questioning your patriotism and suggesting that you somehow be delivered into the hands of the terrorists."

Instead, the obstacles ranged from editing difficulties and communication problems to the sheer mass of information the newsroom was trying to digest during the march to war.

The Doubts Go Inside
From August 2002 through the March 19, 2003, launch of the war, The Post ran more than 140 front-page stories that focused heavily on administration rhetoric against Iraq. Some examples: "Cheney Says Iraqi Strike Is Justified"; "War Cabinet Argues for Iraq Attack"; "Bush Tells United Nations It Must Stand Up to Hussein or U.S. Will"; "Bush Cites Urgent Iraqi Threat"; "Bush Tells Troops: Prepare for War."

Reporter Karen DeYoung, a former assistant managing editor who covered the prewar diplomacy, said contrary information sometimes got lost.

"If there's something I would do differently -- and it's always easy in hindsight -- the top of the story would say, 'We're going to war, we're going to war against evil.' But later down it would say, 'But some people are questioning it.' The caution and the questioning was buried underneath the drumbeat. . . . The hugeness of the war preparation story tended to drown out a lot of that stuff."

Beyond that, there was the considerable difficulty of dealing with secretive intelligence officials who themselves were relying on sketchy data from Iraqi defectors and other shadowy sources and could never be certain about what they knew.

On Sept. 19, 2002, reporter Joby Warrick described a report "by independent experts who question whether thousands of high-strength aluminum tubes recently sought by Iraq were intended for a secret nuclear weapons program," as the administration was contending. The story ran on Page A18.

Warrick said he was "going out on a limb. . . . I was struck by the people I talked to -- some on the record, others who couldn't be -- who were saying pretty persistently that these tubes were in no way suitable for uranium enrichment. On the other side were these CIA guys who said, 'Look, we know what we're talking about but we can't tell you.' "

Downie said that even in retrospect, the story looks like "a close call." He said the inability of dissenters "to speak up with their names" was a factor in some of his news judgments. The Post, however, frequently quotes unnamed sources.

Not all such stories were pushed inside the paper. A follow-up Warrick piece on the aluminum tubes did run on Page 1 the following January, two months before the war began. And The Post gave front-page play to a Sept. 10, 2002, story by Priest contending that "the CIA has yet to find convincing evidence" linking Hussein and al Qaeda.

That hardly settled the matter. On Dec. 12, 2002, investigative reporter Barton Gellman -- who would later win acclaim for his skeptical postwar stories from Iraq on WMDs -- wrote a controversial piece that ombudsman Michael Getler complained "practically begs you not to put much credence in it." The headline: "U.S. Suspects Al Qaeda Got Nerve Agent From Iraqis."

The story, attributed to "two officials with firsthand knowledge of the report" to the Bush administration "and its source," said in the second paragraph that "if the report proves true" -- a whopper of a qualifier -- it would be "the most concrete evidence" yet to support Bush's charge that Iraq was helping terrorists.

Gellman does not believe he was used. "The sources were not promoting the war. . . . One of them was actually against it," he said. "They were career security officials, not political officials. They were, however, wrong." Gellman added that "it was news even though it was clear that it was possible this report would turn out to be false."

But sources, even suspect ones, were the only game in town. "We had no alternative sources of information," Woodward said. "Walter [Pincus] and I couldn't go to Iraq without getting killed. You couldn't get beyond the veneer and hurdle of what this groupthink had already established" -- the conventional wisdom that Hussein was sitting on a stockpile of illegal weapons.

In October 2002, Ricks, a former national security editor for the Wall Street Journal who has been covering such issues for 15 years, turned in a piece that he titled "Doubts." It said that senior Pentagon officials were resigned to an invasion but were reluctant and worried that the risks were being underestimated. Most of those quoted by name in the Ricks article were retired military officials or outside experts. The story was killed by Matthew Vita, then the national security editor and now a deputy assistant managing editor.

"Journalistically, one of the frustrations with that story was that it was filled with lots of retired guys," Vita said. But, he added, "I completely understood the difficulty of getting people inside the Pentagon" to speak publicly.

Liz Spayd, the assistant managing editor for national news, says The Post's overall record was strong.

"I believe we pushed as hard or harder than anyone to question the administration's assertions on all kinds of subjects related to the war. . . . Do I wish we would have had more and pushed harder and deeper into questions of whether they possessed weapons of mass destruction? Absolutely," she said. "Do I feel we owe our readers an apology? I don't think so."

Digger or Crusader?
No Post reporter burrowed into the Iraqi WMD story more deeply than Pincus, 71, a staff member for 32 of the last 38 years, whose messy desk is always piled high with committee reports and intelligence files. "The main thing people forget to do is read documents," said Pincus, wielding a yellow highlighter.

A white-haired curmudgeon who spent five years covering the Iran-contra scandal and has long been an expert on nuclear weapons, Pincus sometimes had trouble convincing editors of the importance of his incremental, difficult-to-read stories.

His longevity is such that he first met Hans Blix, who was the chief U.N. weapons inspector in Iraq, at a conference in Ghana in 1959.

"The inspectors kept getting fed intelligence by our administration and the British and the French, and kept coming back and saying they couldn't find" the weapons, Pincus said. "I did one of the first interviews with Blix, and like everyone else he thought there would be WMDs. By January and February [of 2003], he was starting to have his own doubts. . . . What nobody talked about was how much had been destroyed," either under U.N. supervision after the Persian Gulf War or during the Clinton administration's 1998 bombing of Iraqi targets.

But while Pincus was ferreting out information "from sources I've used for years," some in the Post newsroom were questioning his work. Editors complained that he was "cryptic," as one put it, and that his hard-to-follow stories had to be heavily rewritten.

Spayd declined to discuss Pincus's writing but said that "stories on intelligence are always difficult to edit and parse and to ensure their accuracy and get into the paper."

Downie agreed that difficulties in editing Pincus may have been a factor in the prewar period, because he is "so well sourced" that his reporting often amounts to putting together "fragments" until the pieces were, in Downie's word, "storifyable."

Some editors, in Pincus's view, also saw him as a "crusader," as he once put it to Washingtonian magazine. "That's sort of my reputation, and I don't deny it," he said. "Once I get on a subject, I stay with it."

On Jan. 30, 2003, Pincus and Priest reported that the evidence the administration was amassing about Baghdad hiding weapons equipment and documents "is still circumstantial." The story ran on Page A14.

Some of the reporters who attended the daily "war meetings," where coverage was planned, complained to national editors that the drumbeat of the impending invasion was crowding out the work of Pincus and others who were challenging the administration.

Pincus was among the complainers. "Walter talked to me himself," Downie said. "He sought me out when he was frustrated, and I sought him out. We talked about how best to have stories be in the kind of shape that they could appear on the front page." Editors were also frustrated, Downie said. "Overall, in retrospect, we underplayed some of those stories."

The Woodward Factor
Bush, Vice President Cheney and other administration officials had no problem commanding prime real estate in the paper, even when their warnings were repetitive. "We are inevitably the mouthpiece for whatever administration is in power," DeYoung said. "If the president stands up and says something, we report what the president said." And if contrary arguments are put "in the eighth paragraph, where they're not on the front page, a lot of people don't read that far."

Those tendencies were on display on Feb. 6, 2003, the day after Secretary of State Colin Powell delivered a multimedia presentation at the United Nations -- using satellite images and intercepted phone calls -- to convince the world that Hussein was hiding weapons of mass destruction.

An accompanying front-page story by DeYoung and Pincus examined Powell's "unprecedented release of U.S. intelligence." Not until the ninth paragraph did they offer a "however" clause, saying that "a number of European officials and U.S. terrorism experts" believed that Powell's description of an Iraqi link to al Qaeda "appeared to have been carefully drawn to imply more than it actually said."

Warrick focused that day on the secretary's assertion, based on human sources, that Iraq had biological weapons factories on wheels. "Some of the points in Powell's presentation drew skepticism," Warrick reported. His piece ran on Page A28.

Downie said the paper ran several pieces analyzing Powell's speech as a package on inside pages. "We were not able to marshal enough evidence to say he was wrong," Downie said of Powell. "To pull one of those out on the front page would be making a statement on our own: 'Aha, he's wrong about the aluminum tubes.' "

Such decisions coincided with The Post editorial page's strong support for the war, such as its declaration the day after Powell's presentation that "it is hard to imagine how anyone could doubt that Iraq possesses weapons of mass destruction." These editorials led some readers to conclude that the paper had an agenda, even though there is a church-and-state wall between the newsroom and the opinion pages. Editorial Page Editor Fred Hiatt, not Downie, runs the opinion side, reporting to Post Co. Chairman Donald Graham.

In mid-March, as the administration was on the verge of invading Iraq, Woodward stepped in to give the stalled Pincus piece about the administration's lack of evidence a push. "We weren't holding it for any political reason or because we were being pressured by the administration," Spayd said, but because such stories were difficult to edit at a time when the national desk was deluged with copy. "People forget how many facets of this story we were chasing . . . the political ramifications . . . military readiness . . . issues around postwar Iraq and how prepared the administration was . . . diplomacy angles . . . and we were pursuing WMD. . . . All those stories were competing for prominence."

As a star of the Watergate scandal who is given enormous amounts of time to work on his best-selling books, Woodward, an assistant managing editor, had the kind of newsroom clout that Pincus lacked.

The two men's recollections differ. Woodward said that after comparing notes with Pincus, he gave him a draft story consisting of five key paragraphs, which said the administration's evidence for WMDs in Iraq "looks increasingly circumstantial and even shaky," according to "informed sources." Woodward said Pincus found his wording too strong.

Pincus said he had already written his story when Woodward weighed in and that he treated his colleague's paragraphs as a suggestion and barely changed the piece. "What he really did was talk to the editors and made sure it was printed," Pincus said.

"Despite the Bush administration's claims" about WMDs, the March 16 Pincus story began, "U.S. intelligence agencies have been unable to give Congress or the Pentagon specific information about the amounts of banned weapons or where they are hidden, according to administration officials and members of Congress," raising questions "about whether administration officials have exaggerated intelligence."

Woodward said he wished he had appealed to Downie to get front-page play for the story, rather than standing by as it ended up on Page A17. In that period, said former national security editor Vita, "we were dealing with an awful lot of stories, and that was one of the ones that slipped through the cracks." Spayd did not recall the debate.

Reviewing the story in his glass-walled office last week, Downie said: "In retrospect, that probably should have been on Page 1 instead of A17, even though it wasn't a definitive story and had to rely on unnamed sources. It was a very prescient story."

In the days before the war, Priest and DeYoung turned in a piece that said CIA officials "communicated significant doubts to the administration" about evidence tying Iraq to attempted uranium purchases for nuclear weapons. The story was held until March 22, three days after the war began. Editors blamed a flood of copy about the impending invasion.

Whether a tougher approach by The Post and other news organizations would have slowed the rush to war is, at best, a matter of conjecture.

"People who were opposed to the war from the beginning and have been critical of the media's coverage in the period before the war have this belief that somehow the media should have crusaded against the war," Downie said. "They have the mistaken impression that somehow if the media's coverage had been different, there wouldn't have been a war."
© 2004 The Washington Post Company
Excerpts from a Times apology to readers.

From the Editors:

The Times and Iraq


May 26, 2004
Over the last year this newspaper has shone the bright light of hindsight on decisions that led the United States into Iraq. We have examined the failings of American and allied intelligence, especially on the issue of Iraq's weapons and possible Iraqi connections to international terrorists. We have studied the allegations of official gullibility and hype. It is past time we turned the same light on ourselves.

In doing so -- reviewing hundreds of articles written during the prelude to war and into the early stages of the occupation -- we found an enormous amount of journalism that we are proud of. In most cases, what we reported was an accurate reflection of the state of our knowledge at the time, much of it painstakingly extracted from intelligence agencies that were themselves dependent on sketchy information. And where those articles included incomplete information or pointed in a wrong direction, they were later overtaken by more and stronger information. That is how news coverage normally unfolds.

But we have found a number of instances of coverage that was not as rigorous as it should have been. In some cases, information that was controversial then, and seems questionable now, was insufficiently qualified or allowed to stand unchallenged. Looking back, we wish we had been more aggressive in re-examining the claims as new evidence emerged -- or failed to emerge.

The problematic articles varied in authorship and subject matter, but many shared a common feature. They depended at least in part on information from a circle of Iraqi informants, defectors and exiles bent on ''regime change'' in Iraq, people whose credibility has come under increasing public debate in recent weeks. (The most prominent of the anti-Saddam campaigners, Ahmad Chalabi, has been named as an occasional source in Times articles since at least 1991, and has introduced reporters to other exiles. He became a favorite of hard-liners within the Bush administration and a paid broker of information from Iraqi exiles, until his payments were cut off last week.) Complicating matters for journalists, the accounts of these exiles were often eagerly confirmed by United States officials convinced of the need to intervene in Iraq. Administration officials now acknowledge that they sometimes fell for misinformation from these exile sources. So did many news organizations -- in particular, this one.

Some critics of our coverage during that time have focused blame on individual reporters. Our examination, however, indicates that the problem was more complicated. Editors at several levels who should have been challenging reporters and pressing for more skepticism were perhaps too intent on rushing scoops into the paper. Accounts of Iraqi defectors were not always weighed against their strong desire to have Saddam Hussein ousted. Articles based on dire claims about Iraq tended to get prominent display, while follow-up articles that called the original ones into question were sometimes buried. In some cases, there was no follow-up at all...

Troublesome reporting
On Oct. 26 and Nov. 8, 2001, for example, Page 1 articles cited Iraqi defectors who described a secret Iraqi camp where Islamic terrorists were trained and biological weapons produced. These accounts have never been independently verified.

On Dec. 20, 2001, another front-page article began, ''An Iraqi defector who described himself as a civil engineer said he personally worked on renovations of secret facilities for biological, chemical and nuclear weapons in underground wells, private villas and under the Saddam Hussein Hospital in Baghdad as recently as a year ago.'' Knight Ridder Newspapers reported last week that American officials took that defector -- his name is Adnan Ihsan Saeed al-Haideri -- to Iraq earlier this year to point out the sites where he claimed to have worked, and that the officials failed to find evidence of their use for weapons programs. It is still possible that chemical or biological weapons will be unearthed in Iraq, but in this case it looks as if we, along with the administration, were taken in. And until now we have not reported that to our readers.

On Sept. 8, 2002, the lead article of the paper was headlined ''U.S. Says Hussein Intensified Quest for A-Bomb Parts.'' That report concerned the aluminum tubes that the administration advertised insistently as components for the manufacture of nuclear weapons fuel. The claim came not from defectors but from the best American intelligence sources available at the time. Still, it should have been presented more cautiously. There were hints that the usefulness of the tubes in making nuclear fuel was not a sure thing, but the hints were buried deep, 1,700 words into a 3,600-word article. Administration officials were allowed to hold forth at length on why this evidence of Iraq's nuclear intentions demanded that Saddam Hussein be dislodged from power: ''The first sign of a 'smoking gun,' they argue, may be a mushroom cloud.''

Five days later, the Times reporters learned that the tubes were in fact a subject of debate among intelligence agencies. The misgivings appeared deep in an article on Page A13, under a headline that gave no inkling that we were revising our earlier view (''White House Lists Iraq Steps to Build Banned Weapons''). The Times gave voice to skeptics of the tubes on Jan. 9, when the key piece of evidence was challenged by the International Atomic Energy Agency. That challenge was reported on Page A10; it might well have belonged on Page A1.

On April 21, 2003, as American weapons-hunters followed American troops into Iraq, another front-page article declared, ''Illicit Arms Kept Till Eve of War, an Iraqi Scientist Is Said to Assert.'' It began this way: ''A scientist who claims to have worked in Iraq's chemical weapons program for more than a decade has told an American military team that Iraq destroyed chemical weapons and biological warfare equipment only days before the war began, members of the team said.''

The informant also claimed that Iraq had sent unconventional weapons to Syria and had been cooperating with Al Qaeda -- two claims that were then, and remain, highly controversial. But the tone of the article suggested that this Iraqi ''scientist'' -- who in a later article described himself as an official of military intelligence -- had provided the justification the Americans had been seeking for the invasion.

The Times never followed up on the veracity of this source or the attempts to verify his claims.

A sample of the coverage, including the articles mentioned here, is online at nytimes.com/critique. Readers will also find there a detailed discussion written for The New York Review of Books last month by Michael Gordon, military affairs correspondent of The Times, about the aluminum tubes report. Responding to the review's critique of Iraq coverage, his statement could serve as a primer on the complexities of such intelligence reporting.

We consider the story of Iraq's weapons, and of the pattern of misinformation, to be unfinished business. And we fully intend to continue aggressive reporting aimed at setting the record straight...

Friday, February 8, 2019

Proton doesn't blockade Jones, or anyone

From:
Infowars <newsletter@infowars.com>
 
 
 
ToPaul Conant

Write Assange at Belmarsh

Write Assange at the following address: Julian Assange DOB 3rd July 1971 HMP Belmarsh Prison Western Way London, SE28 0EB You must put ...